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58 pages 1 hour read

Juan Gonzalez

Harvest of Empire: A History of Latinos in America

Juan GonzalezNonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2000

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Part 2, Chapters 4-6Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 2: “Branches (Las Ramas)”

Chapter 4 Summary: “Puerto Ricans: Citizens Yet Foreigners”

As the title of the chapter indicates, Puerto Ricans have a unique situation, as they are the only Latin American group to be United States citizens by birthright, even if they were not born on the mainland. Yet, despite this citizenship, they are not treated as full citizens. To explore this paradox, the author focuses on his own family’s history.

Gonzalez’s great-grandparents came to Puerto Rico from Spain and worked as coffee farmers. However, the Spanish-American War and the military occupation that followed destroyed the coffee and tobacco industries, which were at that time the backbone of Puerto Rican society. In the wake of these industries’ demise, United States sugar companies began to form and subsequently took over more and more of the land and its workers.

In 1932, Gonzalez’s grandfather, Teofilo Gonzalez, died, leaving Teofilo’s wife to care for their six children alone. Unable to cope with this, she gave away her children and placed Gonzalez’s father, Pepe, in an orphanage. Pepe was later sent to live with a teacher, who sexually abused him.

During the Great Depression in the 1930s, Puerto Rico struggled as low wages and unemployment devastated the country. Nationalist fervor swept the land. The Ponce Massacre, which took place on Palm Sunday, March 21, 1937, saw 19 civilians and two police officers killed and remains the largest massacre in modern Puerto Rican history. Gonzalez’s own sister narrowly missed being killed that day.

During World War II, many in the Gonzalez family enlisted in the war and were transformed by the experience. For the first time, they traveled beyond their hometowns and experienced prejudice along the way. Still, the experience of serving as United States soldiers caused many to feel they had “earned” their identities as Americans by fighting for their country.

In 1946, the Gonzalez children began to emigrate to the United States. They arrived in New York. There was much racial tension between Puerto Rican, Italian, Irish, and African American communities, but US House Representative Vito Marcantonio was able to hold together a coalition that kept the groups under control. When he lost his election, tensions flared and gangs fought bitterly.

In the 1970s, a recession hit the US. Many immigrants at the time were unskilled, creating great competition for jobs. By the 1980s, America was on the verge of chaos, especially in the cities, as many left for the suburbs, which took a heavy toll on African Americans and Puerto Rican communities. During the 1980s and 1990s, a third generation of Puerto Ricans living on the mainland came of age. Stymied by inferior schools, a lack of jobs, and inadequate social services, they are a lost generation: “As Latin American immigration exploded, many Anglos started to worry that America’s social fabric was disintegrating” (95). This led to much scapegoating of not just Puerto Ricans but all Latinx groups.

Chapter 5 Summary “Mexicans: Pioneers of a Different Type”

Mexican Americans are unique in that they can claim to be some of the earliest settlers on United States soil. Many white Americans have difficulty understanding just how deep Mexican roots are in the American Southwest.

To exemplify the deep roots in this part of the country, Gonzalez focuses on the Canales clan. The Canales’ ancestors first came from Spain to the Americas during the 1640s. In the late 1740s, José de Escandon began colonizing the area around the Nueces River and the Rio Grande Valley, establishing 20 towns and 18 missions and converting 3,000 to Christianity. The colony of Nuevo Santander was self-sufficient, self-contained, and full of fertile lands and livestock. The Canales family settled on both the northern and southern sides of the Rio Grande.

During the 1820s, Anglo Americans arrived in the region in large numbers. Mexican residents felt threatened, as the Anglos started to dispute their land ownership. President Polk engineered the Mexican-American War over the Nueces Strip. The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which ended the war, gave the United States the Nueces Strip, and the Rio Grande became the dividing line between the United States and Mexico. In the wake of the treaty, some Mexicans suddenly found themselves living in the United States, in South Texas. These Mexican Americans never crossed the border to enter this country; instead, the borders were redrawn around them. Nevertheless, they were seen as obstacles by white American society and were cheated out of their land and consistently subjected to violence.

Some Mexicans fought back. Juan “Cheno” Cortina, a Canales descendent, led an army of 1,200 Mexicans and declared war on the Anglo settlers, yet he couldn’t stop the eventual Anglo domination. During the 1920s, the area was as segregated as apartheid South Africa. While Mexican Americans were 90% of the population, white Americans controlled most of the land and political power. The League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) was formed in 1929, in Corpus Christi, Texas, to break segregation. One of LULAC’s prime focuses was teaching English to Spanish speakers. In the 1930s, during the Great Depression, anti-immigrant hysteria resulted in mass deportations of Mexican Americans. However, the Rio Grande area was largely untouched, as many were able to live off the fertile land and survive.

During World War II, the United States created a bracero program that brought in Mexican workers to meet labor needs; this program lasted until 1965. After the program ended, many workers stayed in the US without authorization, and few white Americans cared about this at the time. Mexican American soldiers who served in the war, much like their Puerto Rican counterparts, were no longer satisfied with the status quo and sought more equality and rights.

Chapter 6 Summary: “Cubans: Special Refugees”

Due to multiple waves of migrations by Cubans, it’s difficult to find a single family to serve as representative of the “Cuban experience.” The first wave of Cuban migrants arrived in the US during the 19th century due to the instability caused by the Cuban wars of independence. Some of those migrants bought 40 acres of land near Tampa, Florida, and built the town of Ybor City. They also set up a steamship line that would run between Havana, Key West, and Tampa. This allowed the very wealthy living in Cuba to prosper under the dictators Machado and Batista, unlike the poor, who were devastated by these leaders’ respective reigns.

When Fidel Castro came to Havana on January 1, 1959, he sparked a wave of immigration to the US. These immigrants were very wealthy and brought with them technical skills that made them employable. Because they were fleeing a communist regime, they received federal aid immediately and became the most prosperous Hispanic immigrants:

Thanks to the unique combination of their own skills and federal largesse, the early exiles set about creating the Cuban miracle in Miami. Within a few short years, the sleepy resort along the Biscayne Bay was transformed into a commercial boomtown and a nexus for international trade (111).

Many white Americans warmly welcomed this wave of Cubans.

The 1980s saw a new wave of Cuban migration, known as the Mariel boat wave. This began with the Mariel boatlift, a mass emigration from Mariel Harbor in Cuba that spanned from April to October of 1980. These Cuban migrants were poorer and darker skinned, and their arrivals were captured by television news. Images of destitute Cubans on overcrowded boats alarmed many white Americans and resulted in a backlash against Cuban migrants. Carter lost the 1980 presidential election to Ronald Reagan in part because of the charge that Carter was unable to control immigration.

Gonzalez next focuses on Luis Del Rosario, who arrived in the US in 1979. He was not part of the Cuban elite but came to the US as a result of a program that allowed the resettlement of political prisoners. At first, Del Rosario welcomed the reforms that Castro initiated, which built new homes and new schools. However, in 1968, the government began nationalizing small enterprises, including the foundry that Del Rosario had built with his brother. Del Rosario’s anger at the government did not make him lose faith in the socialist experiment until he began to see living conditions for Cubans unraveling due to massive disorganization and corruption. By the early 1970s, Del Rosario had come to detest the revolution and became involved in subversive activities. He was arrested, and on June 6, 1979, he left Cuba and flew to Miami as part of a political prisoner program.

Del Rosario says he was not like other anti-Castro Cubans, who wanted to reclaim political power. He had no interest in reclaiming land or power. However, he did want Cuba to be free of violence and one-party rule. He also wanted the US embargo to end, so that he could visit relatives who remain in Cuba.

Part 2, Chapters 4-6 Analysis

In the “Branches” section of Harvest of Empire, Gonzalez focuses on six major Latinx groups, one per chapter. In tracing how each of these groups developed from its colonial beginnings, Gonzalez combines academic scholarship, journalism, and his personal experience to focus on one family or individual in each section. This marks a significant shift in style/genre from Part 1, which largely reads as a conventional history. In focusing on individuals, Gonzales challenges the racism and xenophobia that treat Latin American immigrants as a monolith, eroding The US/Them Dichotomy by personalizing the issue.

With that said, Gonzales is still interested in broad historical patterns. The people he chooses to focus on represent some aspect of the general immigration pattern from the country in question. However, he does not focus on the well-known leaders who are often called to speak on the experiences of their group—another challenge to conventional power structures.

This is especially evident in Gonzalez’s choice of himself as the representative for Puerto Rican immigrants. In the book’s Introduction, he discusses how he wanted his text not to be a “safari” experience:

There have been several such well-intentioned efforts for the general reader over the years, but too many fell into what I call the safari approach, geared strictly to an Anglo audience, with the author as guide and interpreter to the natives encountered along the way (xxii).

Gonzales removes this layer of mediation/alienation by telling his own family’s story, offering deeply felt experiences to bring history to life. In doing so, he emphasizes the special identity Puerto Rico has; Puerto Ricans are full United States citizens, and yet their experiences are often of feeling foreign and/or Other. In some ways, Gonzales suggests, to be Puerto Rican means to internally embody the us/them dichotomy.

A similar idea surfaces in Chapter 5’s discussion of Mexico. After the Mexican War, the Canales found themselves on opposite sides of a boundary between two hostile countries. Those on the United States side found themselves cheated out of their lands and often subjected to violence. Like Puerto Ricans, Mexican Americans must deal with the duality of being both American and Other, both citizens and foreign, as evidenced by the experiences of many Mexican American and Puerto Rican World War II veterans, who were not treated as “fully American” despite their military service.

Cuba represents a different kind of immigration but is no less unique—indeed, experiences of Cuban immigration to the US are so diverse that Gonzales struggles to find one individual or family to focus on. Broadly speaking, however, Cuban immigrants were treated differently than any other immigrant group because of US involvement in the Cold War. All Cubans were automatically guaranteed entry into the US until the 1980s when the arrival of a different type of Cuban—darker-skinned and poorer—sparked racist backlash. High unemployment in the early 1980s exacerbated this response (the unemployment rate in the US, in 1980, was 12.5%; by 1984, it was down to 3.9%). However, Gonzales observes that downturns in the economy always hit immigrants hardest, as they are often scapegoated for taking jobs from white Americans. Such downturns can also make immigrants turn against each other, as they argue over the best ways to attain the American dream.

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