Fourteen Points

Wilson delivered his “Fourteen Points” speech to Congress, but he aimed his words at the world. Wilson was known for his oratory and could easily speak for an hour, yet he keeps this speech focused on 14 numbered proposals that could be easily reported and distributed. Newspapers around the world did so. Given this international reach, Wilson includes different themes that would appeal to different audiences. His common goal throughout is to cast the war as a moral conflict and shape the discussion of the postwar world. This analysis looks at three primary audiences: Russians, Americans, and the general public in democratic countries.

Wilson’s speech opens with the Russians. He knows that Russia is on the verge of surrender and that this could prove disastrous for the Allies. He could have criticized them and accused them of betraying their cause. Instead, he describes the Russian proposals in positive terms and says that they are carrying on open negotiations “very justly, very wisely” (690). The Germans have responded with outrageous demands, so, he says, the Russians “cannot entertain such proposals of domination and mastery” (690). By talking as though there is no possibility of Russia agreeing to the German proposals, he subtly tries to persuade the Russians that surrendering to the Central Powers is unthinkable.

Wilson continues this point when he praises the Russian people for refusing to yield their principles and submit. His sixth point also clearly states that Russia can keep its territory under the peace that the US hopes to craft. The implication is that Russia would be better off if it can wait for a general peace treaty rather than making a separate peace with Germany and its allies.

A striking part of Wilson’s appeal to Russia in light of the future Cold War is his attempt to accommodate the US to communism. Lenin’s Russian communists gained power through violence and their ideology radically condemned the society, economy, and politics of the other Allied Powers. Wilson’s anti-imperial, progressive agenda was considered by the communists to be at best insufficient and at worst a cynical smokescreen for the continued exploitation of the poor. Many Americans and Europeans saw Lenin’s revolution as a threat. Yet Wilson tiptoes around conflict. He never uses the word “communist” or its synonyms. Instead, he describes the Russian proposals as free and liberal. He emphasizes commonalities between Russians and Americans such as their shared belief in the right of people to determine their government. Wilson’s sixth point elaborates on the need for “sister nations” to respect whatever form of government Russia chooses—even, implicitly, a one-party communist dictatorship. In this way, he sought to persuade Russia to stay in the war alongside its old allies.

Wilson’s second goal is to inspire the American public to support the war. Praising the Russians for adhering to high principles implicitly challenges Americans to do the same. He casts the war as a titanic struggle for justice and goodness. He says Americans will make the sacrifices necessary to keep fighting because they will never give in to evil.

Having established the framework of heroic resistance to injustice, Wilson introduces his 14 points by reminding his audience that America entered the war because “violations of the right had occurred that […] made the life of our people impossible” (691). Specifically, Germans had been sinking merchant ships with American civilians on them. Wilson states that his goal is to create a world where that kind of violent attack on the innocent can be prevented. He promises that they are fighting to create a peace where nations agree that ships can sail freely without worry (Point 2) and trade freely around the world (Point 3).

At the end of his list of points, Wilson returns to the idea that the United States entered the war based on the principles of freedom and justice. Implementing these principles will, he argues, create a world that avoids the seeds of conflict. He concludes by proudly proclaiming the people of the United States are now willing to put their commitment to that principle and their integrity to the final test by fighting. Implicitly, he shames any American who is unwilling to support the war because such an American has failed the basic test of goodness.

The final goal of Wilson’s speech looks beyond the immediate issues of January 1918 to the end of the war: What should a final peace look like? At this point, the Russians had started that conversation, and (as Wilson mentions in passing) the British Prime Minister Lloyd George has also made a general statement on peace (690). Wilson needs to say something publicly now in response or he risks letting other people shape the conversation and mold public opinion about the peace. Here, Wilson’s 14 points for peace have their greatest impact. He establishes the need for a peace based on justice and high principles first and then lists his concrete proposals.

Wilson’s first point addresses the causes of war by advancing the idea that public affairs are to be conducted honestly and in accord with liberal democratic principles. Secret alliances and backroom deals helped cause the war; they should now be banned (Point 1). Nations must agree on free navigation and trade, the lack of which brought the US into the war (Points 2 and 3). The temptation to resort to military force can be reduced by nations agreeing to end the arms race that preceded World War I (Point 4). The conflict over colonies can be solved by talking rather than fighting and considering the rights of the colonized (Point 5). If nations commit to open and honest dialogue, Wilson argues, then peace can be obtained.

Wilson offers solutions to the land disputes that caused the conflict by applying the principle of self-determination. In other words, if a disputed area has French or Italian speakers, the people there should have the right to be part of France or Italy (Points 7 and 9). Minorities living in empires should have the right to peacefully determine if they want to stay or leave without having to resort to armed rebellion or assassination (Points 10-13). If countries can get over their greed for territory and genuinely respect freedom, then war can be avoided. These points may appeal to the French and Italian public. If Wilson can persuade them that his version of peace will give them something specific that they want, then they may support his whole program.

His idea in Point 14 for the future League of Nations highlights Wilson’s commitment to finding ways to make these points practical. His seventh point, which concerns the invasion of Belgium in violation of international law, has reminded his listeners that guarantees are worthless unless there is some way of enforcing them. That is why at the end of the list he insists on creating a league of countries that can work together to quickly overwhelm rogue actors and stop violations of international law. Such a league could, in theory, create a new norm in which countries talk rather than fight and where the rights of the weak are upheld.

Many people responded enthusiastically to Wilson’s vision, but others resisted. Germans dismissed the olive branch. France’s Premier Georges Clemenceau sarcastically joked that God was satisfied with 10 commandments but Wilson gave 14. The Russians did surrender to the Central Powers two months later. Americans supported Wilson’s war effort but remained skeptical of his efforts to remake the world. Most notably, the Senate refused to join the League of Nations. During the peace negotiations at the end of the war, France especially insisted on a policy of punishment for Germany and got its way. National self-determination was applied to Europe, especially in the old Austro-Hungarian empire, but not to overseas colonies. Wilson’s League of Nations was formed (ironically without Wilson’s own country participating) but proved too weak to enforce world peace. Still, Wilson’s ideas remained part of public debate throughout the period between the world wars. Future attempts to reduce the role of the military and to promote peace—such as the Washington Naval Treaty (1922) and the Kellogg-Briand Pact (1928)—show the continuing impact of Wilson’s “Fourteen Points” speech.